Japan’s new Ambassador to Botswana, His Excellency Kozo Takeda has taken the baton from a predecessor, Masahiro Onishi, whose work ethic truly embodied the Japanese principle of ‘Kaizen’ or continuous improvement. Whereas Ambassador Onishi concentrated on foundational education and sport, Ambassador Takeda promises to support Botswana in the fields of transport and tourism. He fields questions from Botswana Guardian.

Botswana Guardian: Is this your first assignment to Africa?

Kozo Takeda: I have worked in Indonesia and Australia for several years in the past. Since this is my first time to work in Africa, I’m very excited and looking forward to working here in Botswana. More than fifty years have passed since Japan established its diplomatic relations with Botswana and 2018 is the 10th anniversary of the opening of our Embassy in Botswana. On the basis of our solid relationship, I would like to continue to promote and strengthen our bilateral friendly relationship for the next ten years. 

BG: Can you give us your background: personal and professional (are you married, how many children; where do you come from; your educational background; and what you think you bring to Botswana?)

KT: I have three children and I came to Botswana with my wife this time. Prior to my appointment as the Ambassador, I have worked in the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure, Transport and Tourism for more than twenty years. Since I worked at the Ministry for a long time, I’m familiar with the areas of transport and tourism. I’d like to contribute to the development in Botswana with my experience and knowledge regarding those sectors.

BG: Which areas do you think Botswana has comparative advantage to develop her economy/ diversify it and create the much-needed employment? 

KT: It is generally accepted that the stable political situation, good security, good labour-management relations and various incentives in order to attract foreign direct investment (FDI) in Botswana can contribute to develop her economy. I’d say all industries can be developed. The mining industry seems to be mature in Botswana and it is probable that other sectors such as manufacturing and agriculture have potential for further growth. We understand that the Botswana Government aims the diversification of industries through Vision 2036 and NDP 11. I will consider how the Japanese Government is able to support the Botswana Government at this point.

BG: And how will Japan help Botswana in this given that the country no longer receives any financial assistance (ODA) from Japan because of her Middle Income Country status?

KT: As you said, it is not easy for the Japanese Government to implement large-scale grant aid projects in Botswana and to provide Japanese ODA Loans for the Botswana Government since Botswana is an upper-middle income country. Meanwhile, it is possible for us to support entities such as NGOs or district councils through Grant Assistance for Grass-Roots Project scheme. We are going to continue to contribute to the economic and social development, and the promotion of culture and the advanced education through the scheme. In addition to it, we will make effort to help the Government to enhance the capacity of the civil servants through technical cooperation.

BG:What is the current trade ratio between Botswana and Japan? How do you propose to increase this level of trade between the two countries?

KT: The amount of both import and export between Japan and Botswana in 2016 was approximately 2.7 billion yen, equivalent to 270 million pula. (The amount of import from Japan was 2.68 billion yen, equivalent to 268 million pula, The amount of export from Botswana was 2.7 billion yen, equivalent to 270 million pula, Trade Statistics by Ministry of Finance in Japan) The main import commodity from Japan was vehicle and the main export commodity to Japan was minerals such as diamond. The Japanese Government will support establishing environment which promotes international trading in the international framework. 

Furthermore, we are going to explain the advantage of investment in Botswana to the Japanese companies, in order to attract them to come here and to promote the investment in Botswana, working with the relevant Botswana Governmental institution.

BG: What is the status of Marubeni Corporation in Morupule Expansion project?

KT: Since it is an operation by the private company, we are not in a position to comment on this issue. Generally speaking, the Japanese Government is trying to promote investment in Africa by the Japanese companies as part of TICAD initiative and this project is one of those projects promoted through the initiative. Once the project is completed, the project will contribute to your effort to tackle urgent challenges in Botswana such as the diversification of industries and the creation of employment. It will also have a positive effect on the future investment and the motivation of the other Japanese companies. It is my hope that it will promote and strengthen our bilateral relationship more and more as a result.

BG: How many Japanese nationals (tourists) visited Botswana last year (2017) and how do you propose to increase this level of people to people interaction between the two countries?

KT: According to the Tourism Statistics Annual Report 2015, which is published by Botswana Statistics, approximately five thousand Japanese nationals visited Botswana in 2015. (4,916 visitors in precise) As Botswana has abundant tourism resources such as Okavango Delta, Chobe National Park, Kalahari Desert and Moremi Game Reserve, more and more Japanese are getting interested in Botswana. Some high school students and university students visited Botswana in a school trip or training last year. 

As the Embassy, we’d like to increase Botswana’s fans by supporting this kind of steady activities. As you may know, the Tokyo Olympics and Paralympics will be held in 2020. If a lot of Batswana athletes participate in it, I presume that both our countries’ awareness will be raised.

BG: How can Botswana NGOs and civil society organisations take advantage of the financial commitment made by Japan to Africa under TICAD VI?

KT: We are requested to support the development in Botswana through not only initiatives in TICAD process including TICAD VI but also various schemes which can help NGOs and the Government. The Nairobi Declaration is not a transient bonus and it describes the Japanese Government’s constant efforts to contribute to the development in Africa. In this sense, there is no special process to secure the financial commitment. 

As we have continued for several years, we are going to support Botswana through the Grant Assistance for Grass-roots projects. Meanwhile, we will sincerely consider what we can do to support Botswana as the Japanese Government, dealing with each support request which we receive from the Botswana Government. 

BG: Kindly tell us the projects that Japan Embassy is engaged in to help SADC integrate its economies and perhaps realise its Industrialisation Strategy? 

KT: The Japanese Government is currently implementing the technical cooperation project regarding forest resource management with the SADC secretariat. We expect that capacity of the officers who are involved in the forest resource management in the SADC region will be improved though the project. We are also considering in Japan how we can support SADC secretariat for the sake of the industrialisation in the SADC region. 

Acting Chief Executive Officer of the Botswana Investment and Trade Centre (BITC), Keletsositse Olebile comes in at a time when the institution is formulating a fresh strategic plan. 

This is one of the key assignments that the board has placed on him as the current strategic plan for the investment promotion agency expires on March 31, 2018. 

Olebile, who assumed the position roughly two weeks ago on February 1, 2018 on acting basis, says his plans to take the institution forward will be directed, formulated and solidified through the strategic planning process. 

One of the areas that he is keen on especially within the institution is the restoration of capacity so as to enable delivery on their mandate. The institution has experienced hiccups following internal processes that led to a realignment of the organisational structure. 

This process took longer than anticipated and in the long run the institution lost key people in core departments. “One critical thing now is to rebuild these skills because the public out there is still expecting the institution to perform, and not excuses,” Olebile said in an interview, adding that they will be restoring capacity in the near future.

Another area of focus for the new BITC chief is a strong engagement with critical stakeholders. As much as BITC is a brand management entity, Olebile acknowledges that they can only achieve their mandate through the support and team spirit from various stakeholders. 

“I can promote out there, but if someone lands in Botswana and the various supporting frameworks are not living up to the promises that I have made, it will amount to nothing,” he says, adding, “it is in our interest to really make sure that our various departments; immigration, labour, lands and others are well aligned in delivering on this promotion mandate.”

In addition, the business development strategist also believes that he has highly capable people in the institution’s three outreach offices in London, India and South Africa. “It is important to know that investment promotion at its best will not happen within the investment promotion agency alone, it is about the support you get from various sector champions that you have out there.”

His view is that with every targeted mission, there has to be a capacity back stock within the sector to relay the message. He strongly believes that it involves constituted and ready projects that sector champions can put forward to potential investors. 

According to Olebile, the current challenge in the approach to investment promotion is the tendency to take the generic approach of talking about the country’s key attributes. His view is that over and above key attributes of a country, investors are interested in ready projects, even for tenders that they can get involved in.

“Where capacity is concerned we can always do better, but I derive confidence in the people we have,” he says. The business development strategist takes keen interest on facilitating an even distribution of investments across the country. According to him, this is a difficult challenge given the level of development and servicing in the different localities. 

That is why the institution has been working with officials at local government to run projects like the Local Economic Development (LED). 

This project is aimed at identifying potential opportunities in different localities of Botswana. “For example; an area like Tsabong has been identified as ideal for small stock, and our interest is in the key enablers,” Olebile says. 

This has given birth to ideas like the establishment of small stock abattoirs. An area like Bobonong in the Selibe-Phikwe Economic Diversification Unit (SPEDU) region has abundant semi-precious stones. BITC’s interest in such an area would be on enablers that would need to be put in place to allow the region to benefit from the already established diamond space because they are in the same value chain. 

One of the critical focus areas for the former Executive Director of Strategy and Competitiveness at BITC and his team is to see how investment can be taken to these outlaying areas. “We can already see a sense of expectation through parliamentary questions that members are asking, like what we have done to facilitate investors to the different localities within the country,” he says.  

Olebile is also happy that they have achieved some progress in some areas. The revamped one-stop-shop, Botswana One Stop Service Centre (BOSSC) is one such achievement. “We now have officers from Immigration sitting here (BITC premises) at senior level, from Lands, and liaison officers from various facilitating institutions. It’s a good start, and we will suggest improvements going forward.”

He also acknowledges that the establishment of such a centre is an evolving area with further developments in the pipeline. One of the key legal instruments that BITC has motivated for and has been approved by cabinet is the Business facilitation law – a piece of law that will define how various institutions that are responsible for investor facilitation are linked. 

“We can refer to current structures of BOSSC as interim because it is an ever evolving arrangement. The ultimate will be when we reach and are able to offer services online. When our e-government interventions are in place and people do not need to come to the centre physically but we can deal with them on a visual approach.”

He wishes for a time when Botswana will ultimately position herself well in terms of the type of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) that she is most likely to attract. “For us it has to be a balance of efficiency seeking FDI and resource seeking because we have natural resources in abundance. If we target well in that regard we can achieve something,” Olebile says. 

Samson Moyo Guma’s former ally and former Tsamaya Councillor Reginald Mudongo has accused his former friend of intent to buy votes following the latter’s utterances that the government must repossess land owned by Tati Company. 

Modongo who was introduced to politics by Guma went on to become a surprise winner for Tsamaya ward during the 2009 general elections when he hammered the then incumbent Councillor Tod Maligeni before he was floored by the seating councillor Isaac Pelaelo in the 2014 general elections.

When the Botswana Movement for Democracy (BMD) was formed, Guma and Modongo defected to the new party only for Guma to make a U-turn and return to BDP whilst his councillor remained at BMD until his recent defection to the Alliance for Progressives (AP). 

Producing some evidence in the form of past Council motions, Modongo disclosed that he once tabled a motion between the 22nd and 31st of January 2013 to have a record of all the land held under Tati company as well as requesting the responsible minister of lands by then to have a reconciliation of Tati Land concession of 1970 and the local Mines and Minerals Act of 1999 which he said were not compatible.

“When the said motion was adopted and passed on to the ministry, Guma never supported us despite that we were still members of the ruling BDP and it boggles my mind as to why all of a sudden he is clutching at straws and calling for the repossession of Tati company land,” the former councillor said. 

Modongo continued that Moyo who was born in a village forming part of Tati company land should have known better when he assumed his position as MP that people in his village including his mother have no grazing lands since all the adjacent land is under the ownership of Tati Company. 

He continued that calls by Guma to have Tati Company land repossessed by the state is a vote-buying gimmick by the MP who he accused of brainwashing people’s minds. 

When contacted for comment, a defiant Guma pointed out that as MP he does not have close contact with councils and councillors and as such he is not in any position to know of motions tabled and adopted by various councils save for parliamentary issues. 

“When I talk about land repossession, I am not referring to the illegal grabbing of land but an acquisition which is in line with the laid down laws on land acquisition. As far as I know, people of North East are desperately in need of land and in the event the state repossesses some land belonging to Tati- company, the same former councillor is also going to join in the celebrations and there is no act or intention on my part to buy votes, ” Guma said.

Botswana Congress Party (BCP) is adamant that the director of DISS, Isaac Kgosi should be prosecuted over the P250m that they say he has “corruptly withdrawn” from the National Petroleum Fund (NPF).

BCP president, Dumelang Saleshando said this when addressing a press conference adding the money was withdrawn corruptly and unlawfully. He highlighted that NPF has regulations set by National Assembly therefore there is no how DISS Director could simply do a memo demanding for the money. 

“Any official who purpose to bend the law of parliament or rewrite the laws should be punished for trying to do that,” said Saleshando reiterating that Kgosi committed a criminal offence by acting corruptly when he transferred the funds. 

He said that they even propose that the fraud be escalated but the funds be rather used for military or surveillance equipment. He labelled Kgosi as a “criminal minded officer of government” and emphasised that some of this corruption has received maximum protection under President Ian Khama.

Saleshando further said that in order to fix this issue, they are going to approach UDC and propose that they must be a player, and specifically get an order directing that the funds be transferred back to the Petroleum Fund. 

He said that it is important to assure Batswana that the funds that were expropriated illegally will go back to where they should be. On the other hand, he stated that UDC has to also find out why Kgosi has not been prosecuted to date while investigations on his corruption allegations have been completed more than a year ago. 

He explained that DCEC has long done its part and sent back the file to DPP. Saleshando said that it is about time they get answers because they do not want situations whereby DPP end up deciding that they no longer want to pursue the case and they be blamed for having also been relaxed without asking about it.

He also said that if they cannot get the answer as to why Kgosi has not been prosecuted, and otherwise it is time to do something for the nation.

 He said it would be better to have to ask willing partners to consider taking the private prosecution route and make sure that fairness and justice prevail in this matter.

Nonetheless, Saleshando has applauded DCEC on this issue, saying that most of them have condemned it for many years, as they believed that it only focuses on small fish. 

“They need applause because in this particular instance they have moved swiftly although there are some missing names which also need to come out to also answer for their deeds,” he said. 

Primary school dropouts figures are slowly moving up, as the primary school beginners’ intakes increase too, Statistics Botswana has revealed.

The country’s data authority’s latest Primary School Statistics Brief released this week indicate significant rates of drop out and non-completion of primary school is attributed mainly to ill-health, inability to pay school fees and truancy - a problem or situation of children being absent from school regularly without permission.

Anna Majelantle, Statistician General has bemoaned that many children are leaving primary school without acquiring the most basic skills. The data collected from schools through the 2015 annual school census, which forms SB’s latest report indicate that pupils abandon school at different standards before they could complete the full course of primary education.

According to the report there was 2,567 drop-outs in 2015 across the country.

“The total dropout rate was 0.6 percent in 2013, 0.7 percent in 2014 and increased to 0.8 percent in 2015,” said Majelantle in the report.

Johannes Tshukudu the President of the Botswana Teachers’ Union (BTU) said government, teachers and parents should work together to address the alarming growth of dropouts.

Tshukudu said primary school drop-outs challenge has both short-term and long-term bearing on both socio and economic situation of the country.

He pointed out that the syndrome is attributed to poor socio and economic status of families and homes breaking down, leading to limited economic and social support which then force children to look for alternative means of survival and abandon school.

BTU is concerned that though government makes efforts to address this situation through social relief nets, gaps still exist.

“Government interventions are not adequate and constant. They cannot sustain these children (dropouts) to stay in schools. As a result learners are becoming rebellious and bully and eventually leave school,” Tshukudu said.

Tshukudu said school drop outs later haunt communities’ social setting and even economic activities. “We cannot talk of FDI when we have increase of youth dropouts. The after effects is scarce FDI, no investors will invest where there is high rate of crime.

“We need to assist each other, majority of criminals are school drop outs that abandoned school at various levels and satisfy their needs through stealing,” he said. Tshukudu also said politicians must also reassess their political stance in terms of public education to deal with issues of dropouts.

According to SB statistics, Gantsi continues to lead the districts on the number of primary school drop outs, though the trend shows a drop compared to previous years.

“Gantsi had been slightly decreasing but it still had the highest dropout rates across all regions since 2012 being; 6.7 percent in 2012, 3.5 percent in 2013, 3.8 percent in 2014 and 4.4 percent in 2015,” reads part of the report indicating that in the South East region dropouts had been decreasing since 2012 from 0.4 percent to 0.1 percent in 2015.

“Out of the 2567 dropouts recorded in 2015, 1805 or 70.3 percent were due to truancy,” reads part of the report adding that the prevalence of truancy by sex shows that 74.3 percent of males dropped due to truancy compared to 62.6 percent for females.

Majelantle notes that a significant number of both sexes also dropped due to ill-health and inability to pay school fees. Citing Basarwa as the most affected community by dropouts, Tshukudu said introduction of education to this minority community has divorced them from their type of lifestyle.

“Government should introduce temporary structures within Basarwa communities, so that they do not completely divorce the students from their traditional lifestyle but gradually expose them to learning,” Tshukudu said. 

Majelantle implored that policies to improve school progression and reduce the numbers of children dropping out of school are critical if Universal Primary Education (UPE) is to be achieved. 

“Children are starting primary school in greater numbers than ever before but dropout rates are significant and lead to low levels of primary school completion in many countries,” said Majelantle.

Meanwhile Tshukudu highlighted that several countries in the southern Africa bloc are facing the same challenge citing that Mozambique school dropout can be attributed to political instability, Malawi economic issues, same with Zimbabwe and Namibia dealing with minority groups with cultures yet to accept education as a way of life.

Dikarabo Ramadubu

BG reporter

President Lieutenant General Ian Khama  who  continues to receive a shot in the arm as Batswana increase his cattle herd will certainly pursue his long time passion of farming on full time basis when he retires from office on April 1, BG News has established.

Khama’s parents the late Sir Seretse and Lady Ruth Khama were cattle barons and farmers of repute in different places around the country.  

Seretse had farms in Boteti, Ngwato, Kweneng, Tswapong where he kept livestock and ploughed. The farms were inherited by his children who have since leased, sold or kept some.

BG News has reliably learnt that, Ian Khama has continued his multipurpose farming up to this stage, but decided to give priority to the civil service. 

Khama has personal farms in Taukome near Serowe where he has high breed cattle, goats and sheep. He currently has a horticultural farm as well as ploughing field in the Tswapong area and has won many prices in profit making activities like bee-hiving.  Some have been asking questions on what will Khama who has been turned into one of the biggest cattle barons in the country do with his  large cattle herd and small livestock presents that he continues to receive as he bids the nation farewell given that he does not have land or farm to rear them. 

Some said that he is likely to apply for land to make a farm and rear his livestock. Speaking to BG News, Senior Private Secretary, Brigadier George Tlhalerwa stated that Khama has many options which include buying, leasing or applying for land where he can do his farming business. 

Tlhalerwa said that Khama’s parents had farming land and farms in some of the areas such as Boteti- Kweneng and Tswapong. As a family they are still doing farming in some of these places. “He has farms in areas such as Taukome where he has livestock. It must also be remembered that he has horticultural and bee keeping farms that enable him to win many prices in competition”.

Brigadier Tlhalerwa said so far President Khama has not yet indicated where he is going to apply for the land and has since requested his many friends who have the means to host his livestock.

 “He has not yet decided on his  master plan. But, knowing him, he is going to rear them. But he may get rid of some purely for management purposes as well as for environmental purposes.

“As I speak to you, the President has not indicated where he would like to have his farm, but he is considering many options including buying private farms, leasing and applying for land,” said Tlhalerwa.

It is expected Khama will get more cattle of high breed from the three Serowe constituencies and Gantsi which he is expected to visit. The arrangement is that Khama who doubles as President and Kgosikgolo of Bamangwato will visit the three Serowe constituencies before concluding at the man Kgotla at a later stage.

So far, all the constituencies that he visited have contributed cattle and small lives stock, save for the Lerala constituency who gave him a tractor, trailer and farming implements worth over P400.000.00. The Lerala constituents opted for the route after consultation in a Kgotla meeting where it was agreed that since they do not have many cattle unlike in other constituencies, then they must contribute money to buy him farming machinery. 

March 2018 marks the 15th year anniversary of Emergency Assist 991 in Botswana. The company, formerly known as Netcare 991 launched its Botswana operation in March 2005 with Tumelo Pabalinga, Simon Modisaemang and Netcare 991 South Africa as its founding shareholders. However in 2009 The two local Shareholders i.e. Tumelo Pabalinga & Simon Modisaeman acquired Netcare 911 South Africa’s shareholding thereby creating the first ever100% wholly citizen owned emergency medical assistance company in Botswana which the two shareholders take pride in. 

The company started with a staff complement of 10; 5 assistance vehicles, including 2 ambulances and zero client base. Today the company boasts of a staff complement of 70; with 22 assistance vehicles, that include 15 ambulances, and a client base of over 65 000. We now have 6 branches in Botswana.

The Directors attribute their company successes to a team of its dedicated and loyal staff members whom majority have been with the Business for well over 6 years. The Directors are proud and place a lot of value in their wonderful team of EA 991 staff who have remained true to the business through thick and thin.

EA 991’s core services are emergency medical services (both ground and air operation), roadside assistance services, home assistance services and call centre assistance services.

According to Tumelo Pabalinga, as an assistance company, we are a very customer focused company in the sense that our customers come first and we forever strive to deliver beyond our customer expectations.

We came into a monopolised market on the emergency medical services, but over the years we have made our mark within the industry due to our persistent good service and this has seen us capture a sizeable market within the private and government business sector.

One of the company’s milestones was opening Emergency Assit 991 Namibia in 2010 for the emergency medical service operation and to date the company employs a total of 12 Namibian staff members.

The Directors consider EA 991 as work in progress as it has not reached its full potential both locally and internationally. It is their intention to gradually increase their footprint in Botswana as well as within the Southern Africa region because their ultimate goal is to create a very strong brand that will compete regionally with other big international players within the space

President Ian Khama has infuriated some members of Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) who supported candidates who lost Bulela-Ditswe in January this year when he endorsed others.

Khama endorsed candidates who won primaries in opposition-held constituencies last week Friday during the party’s National Council held in Gaborone. The president paraded the candidates as he called out their names during his official speech. 

This was despite that some of the candidates who lost the primaries have launched protests on the outcome of the primaries. Botswana Guardian understands that at the time when Khama made the statement the complainants had not received communication regarding their appeal. The BDP had established a three-man Appeals Board to handle the appeals.

Khama told the Council that “let me introduce to you winners of our Bulela-Ditswe candidates who will represent the party in the next general elections.” The president called on fellow democrats to give them support labelling the candidates ‘incoming Members of Parliament’. 

“We have to support them. One for all, all for one,” he said. Khama urged those who lost the primaries to follow proper party procedures when lodging their complaints. He urged them to support those who won to ensure that the BDP wins the 18 opposition held constituencies. 

According to insiders this could mean at that time the president was pre-empting the outcome of the appeals or his statement could influence the decision of the appeals board. This publication learns that a preliminary report by the appeals board has been forwarded to the Central Committee. 

It is alleged that all the complaints have been dismissed except one for council ward in Goodhope-Mabule Constituency. At press time BDP Head of Communications, Lesedi Dintwe had not responded to a questionnaire sent to him.

A fortnight ago party Secretary General Mpho Balopi told a press conference that the appeals committee was busy at work and would announce its findings the following week. He said the party was not deliberately delaying the process to frustrate the complainants.

This incident, democrats say, should not be looked in isolation with what transpired when six members of BDP National Youth Executive Committee were suspended for two years. Following their suspension new members were co-opted into NYEC and endorsed by party leadership within the period of an appeal process. 

The suspended were given 14 days to appeal but their replacements were announced in less than week of their suspension. This resulted in some of them resigning from the party arguing that processes are being flouted by the leadership and dismissing the possibility of having a fair appeal.

Botswana People’s Party’s (BPP) secretary general Venter Geletshabiwe says there is no hope for suspended party chairperson Richard Gudu and his partner in crime, Peter Kuchwe if they do not crawl back to the party leadership and beg for forgiveness.

Both men have always maintained their innocence and said they would not apologise for a wrong they did not commit. They said they only attended the UDC press conference as bona fide partners in their personal capacities like any other executive party member continues to do up to date. Galetshabiwe told Botswana Guardian in a telephone interview that the only time that the two can be forgiven or excused from internal disciplinary hearing is when they apologise to the party leadership.  “If they apologise then we can be rest assured that the people we are going to be working with are with us all the way but by just letting it go we’d be sending out a wrong message to the party followers that the constitution can be trampled. By not apologising, they are literally squeezing a rope around their necks slowly,” he said.

Despite the party’s stance, the disciplinary case is allegedly tearing the party apart due to an internal power struggle within the executive fuelled by some executive members’ desires to represent the party at Tati East and Tati West constituencies.

When Gudu and Co. were suspended from party activities last year, one could have expected the party executive to have dealt with the matter promptly but it was never to be as they were only called for a hearing after the prescribed number of days despite that the two had argued that the duration taken by the executive to drag them was past hence they cried out that it was unconstitutional. 

On the other hand, the party’s spokesperson Galetshabiwe maintained that the suspension letters of the two did not have any validity period. 

When the two first appeared for their disciplinary hearing, the board did not form a quorum only for the case to resume this time around under board Chairperson Leonard Mantswe. In his findings, it was discovered that the case with Kuchwe did not have a complainant whereas Gudu was never invited for the hearing save through SMS which forced the board chairperson to dismiss it. 

An inside source at BPP has revealed that most in the party leadership are of the view that Gudu is an old furniture who need to be replaced with some power hungry “Mafikizolo’s”(newcomers). The source continued that the aim of the party is not to discipline the two but to thwart their efforts to represent the party at Tati East and West constituencies at which they represented BPP under the Umbrella coalition in 2014. 

“Currently, the problem comes from the party secretary general and the vice president who expressed their interest to do so. They are busy selling themselves to the electorate whilst Gudu and Kuchwe are barred. Looking at the circumstances surrounding the whole disciplinary hearing one would see that there is witch-hunt since the two did not commit so grave a crime to warrant the present treatment unless of course the party no longer wants them for personal reasons,” the executive member disclosed. 

What angers him most is that some people within the party leadership want to satisfy their egos at the expense of the party. In fact BPP Vice President Mbaakanyi Lenyatso has admitted in a recent interview with Botswana Guardian of his democratic right to stand for election at any constituency his party has been allocated.

Last week, the two attended a disciplinary hearing whose verdict will be released in two to three weeks or even beyond. Asked why the party decided to drag the matter despite that it was once thrown out by a disciplinary board for non-compliance with the party constitution, Geletshabiwe revealed that those who have the tendency to do as they please should be brought to book irrespective of whether they have been in the party for a very long time or not. 

When quizzed as to what it would take to bury the hatchet between the two opposing camps, Geletshabiwe did not hide the party’s displeasure as he said that what is standing between Gudu, Kuchwe and BPP is for the two to apologise rather than squeezing the rope tightly around their necks. 

Botswana currently has over US$14 million sitting unspent in the country’s Universal Service and Access Funds, despite affordability being a major barrier to connecting women, as 1GB of mobile prepaid Internet costs over 5 percent of monthly average income.

This has been revealed in the latest report launched by World Wide Web Foundation and the Alliance for Affordable Internet, with support and funding from UN Women dubbed: Universal Service and Access Funds: An Untapped Resource to Close the Gender Digital Divide.

According to the report, there is approximately US$177 million sitting unspent in USAFs across nine African countries – Benin, Botswana, Burkina Faso, Ghana, Kenya, Madagascar, Mozambique, South Africa and Liberia.

“This amount could bring approximately six million women online, or could be used to provide digital skills training to nearly 16 million women and girls,” reads part of the report.

The report says failure to take urgent action to close the digital divide — and to use resources dedicated specifically to doing so — will further widen the gulf between the digital haves and the digital have-nots, undermining economic growth and stunting global development in the process.

“Compared to men, women are less likely to access the internet generally, and the mobile internet specifically; even when they are online, women are less likely than men to use it to improve their lives. What’s more, this digital gender gap is growing wider across the globe.”

Universal Service and Access Funds (USAFs) are public funds — financed primarily through contributions made by mobile network operators and other telecommunications companies — intended to expand communications services to underserved areas and populations. Governments have been urged to invest at least 50 percent of funds in projects targeting women’s internet access and use, make project design and implementation more gender-responsive and Increase transparency of fund financing, disbursements and operations. In addition, the report urges for improved diversity in USAF governance and increased awareness of gender issues within the USAF.

Ovaherero Paramount Chief Vekuii Rukoro has warned his tribe and the Nama to be wary of the German government’s dirty tactics that it will employ to avoid paying reparations to the two tribes.

Speaking over the weekend at the Ngatu jarukee ko Takarive Ovaherero Heritage Day held in Takarive near Mahalapye, Rukoro rejected what he called Germany’s “cheque book diplomacy” in the form of development aid towards the Namibian government, instead of discussing reparations with “us as the Namas and Ovaherero for the genocide they committed.”

The weekend event attracted Ovaherero and Ovambanderu from Botswana, Namibia and South Africa. The Ovaherero and Nama are engaged in a protracted battle with the German government through a court case in New York demanding reparations over the tens of thousands of indigenous people killed in the 1904-1908 massacres.

Speaking at the same event as Guest Speaker, Deputy Permanent Secretary at Botswana Government Communication and Information System (BGCIS), who was speaking in his capacity as a historian Dr. Jeff Ramsay said the terrible period of death and destruction by the Germans has been rightfully characterised as Genocide.

“There can be no doubt about this! Measured in terms of demographic loss, the final 1904-08 Ovaherero and Nama uprising against the Germans in Namibia was the most horrific of Africa’s many anti-colonial struggles. Its impact can be summarised by the fact that it claimed the lives of well over 70 percent of all Ovaherero at the time, along with not less than half of the Nama,” he said, further noting that in moving forward “we cannot escape the past”. Dr. Ramsay said the ugly truth is that the Nazi holocaust in Europe did not spring from the twisted post-World War I mindset of one individual or political movement. Its roots can be directly traced to the pre-war fate of the indigenous communities of Namibia.

A second ugly truth is that the atrocities of the Kaiser-Reich were known and at the time enabled by others. “For those unfamiliar with what can rightfully be described as the “Kalahari Holocaust”, between 1893 and 1908 the Ovaherero in Namibia, along with the Ovambandero, Nama and others, repeatedly took up arms in resistance to the German policy of depopulating large areas for European settlement,” he narrated.

The Germans proclaimed their “Protectorate” over most of Namibia in 1884; a move that in direct response led to the parallel proclamation of a British Protectorate over most of Botswana.

This was, incidentally, ten years and eight months before Dikgosi Sebele I, Bathoen II and Khama III boarded the Tantallon Castle passenger ship at Cape Town bound for England.

Said Ramsay, “In 1884 the first German Governor in Namibia was Ernst Goering, the father of Hitler’s deputy, Hermann Goering. 

“However it may be said that the Kalahari Holocaust truly began about a decade later, when the colonial regime in Windhoek set out to militarily subdue all local communities as part of a systematic campaign to rob them of their land for European settlement.”

Meanwhile, Advocate Rukoro said Germany committed an act of genocide in terms of international law and by the same token Germany is bound to pay reparations. Germany in similar circumstances has acknowledged genocide towards the Jews of Israel, they have apologised for it, and they have paid compensation, he said, adding that Germany sat down in a trilateral arrangement which involved the State of Israel, Government of Germany and no less than 23 groups representing the victim groups of the Jewish people.  

He said the Ovaherero and Nama want to adopt the same arrangement. “The German government refuses to adopt this model and instead has persuaded the Namibian government that the negotiations should only be confined to the two governments and should not directly be involved with representatives of the victim groups. 

“Clearly the German government is resorting to its old proven and successful tactics of divide and rule, which it practised during the colonial days. It is using the same tactics to divide the Namibian government and its own citizens.”

He told the gathering that the German government is now discussing development aid to the Namibian government in exchange and in place of reparations “to our people in Namibia and in the Diaspora in Botswana, South Africa and other places.”

“Obviously it is a very cheap way for the Germans to get away with murder. They don’t want to talk to us directly, the affected people, the victim groups, that is why colleagues we decided after consulting with the chiefs in Botswana and in SA to institute legal action against the German government in an appropriate legal jurisdiction in New York.”

The action involves charging Germany with genocide, unlawful confiscation of land which by today should have been “our” inheritance, as well as the unlawful confiscation of the livestock of “our” ancestors and other forms of property which actions have dumped “us into generational poverty for more than 100 years, and other kind of related crimes against humanity.”

Rukoro however warned that, typical of all imperialist governments Germany has co-opted local agents and traditional leaders that they are parading and collaborating with. 

“I am sure they will very soon start visiting Botswana to try and confuse you and lie to you but fortunately more traditional leaders, the genuine ones who have already given us powers of attorney to represent you in court, are well aware of this, they are part of our struggle to hold Germany accountable and make sure that when the victory ultimately comes you are part of the fruits of our victory and that we share in that victory as well.

“Therefore my friends stay firm through the diversionary tactics of the Germans that will come in all forms, even if they come through their local agents which they are going to send in whatever capacity to Botswana,” he said.

Despite ‘justified’ celebrations of anti-poaching progress that has seen illegal killings of elephants dropping for five years in a row across Africa, “the job is not done” to protect populations forever, this publication has learnt.

The Minister of Environment, Natural Resources, Conservation and Tourism; Tshekedi Khama debunked this myth when he said that, “Our elephants are under threat from poaching and we are not satisfied that the equation has been concluded on anti-poaching.”

With the ecosystem now facing increased pressure from poachers, Khama is adamant that the day when we all realise that environment and wildlife are the most important assets that we have, will be the day we can say we have succeeded. 

“Central Africa’s herds of forest elephants also continue to suffer very high levels of illegal killing. There’s no time left now for talk, talk, talk, we just need to get on with it. These populations of wildlife are the reserves for the future.” 

He applauded the Giants Club saying of the many initiatives to protect elephants, the Giants Club is the “first one that we’ve seen something tangible coming out.” The Giants Club is an initiative of Space for Giants that aims to effectively protect half of Africa’s elephants and their landscapes by 2020 by uniting the political will, technical know-how, and financial muscle to achieve that goal. 

This year alone philanthropists, governments, and corporate leaders from Europe, China, the US and Africa today pledged more than $6 million for urgent action to protect wildlife habitats at the close of a key conservation summit.

$2 million from the EU and matched funds is reserved to train KAZA rangers and prosecutors, $2 million ‘Challenge Fund’ from Giants Club members, $1.5 million expected value of new work by the UN Office on Drugs and Crime, $280,000 for improving prosecutions and sentencing in Uganda from the US Agency for International Development (USAID) and the US Department of the Interior, $200,000 to boost wildlife crime court cases in Botswana from Wild Lives Foundation, $100,000 from the African Wildlife Foundation for Uganda tourism and conservation initiative From the summit held last week in Kasane, members gathered to make out innovative ideas how to protect elephants and their landscapes before negotiating finance and securing political will to expand the reach of those ideas.  Max Graham, CEO of Space for Giants said there have been some major gains made against poaching which is all worth celebrating. “But to hear that elephants in the region we thought were safest are actually under new and growing threats, it’s a huge worry. 

“I’m grateful that the Giants Club has come together and done what it does best: galvanise new money for quick and effective action,” Graham said.

Trouble for Umbrella for Democratic Change deepens as the leadership continues to fail to meet and evaluate the congress that was held in Gaborone last month.

The controversial issue which the congress wanted to be revisited is the allocation of constituencies, especially those allocated to Botswana Movement for Democracy (BMD). At the centre of this failure President Advocate Duma Boko has been fingered for failing to convene the meeting. 

Advocate Boko of late has been under fire for allegedly defying a resolution to kick out BMD from the UDC. Tensions were high at the February 24th Congress as lobbying for expulsion of BMD was done. Some members of the UDC especially from Botswana National Front (BNF) and Botswana Congress Party (BCP) have argued that since the split of the BMD last year what is left is an empty shell.  Expectation from UDC members was that the leadership would move swiftly to evaluate the congress and report back before contracting partners go for their primary elections. At the congress the members had said that in the event BMD is not kicked out it has to surrender some of its constituencies, at least ten (10) from its original 14. 

The main beneficiary from the exercise could be BCP, which currently some of its leadership including the President Dumelang Saleshando, have been left without constituencies. BMD gained most of its constituencies through incumbency a model that the BCP has since the start of the negotiations expressed reservations with. The BCP had wanted that in any constituency where there are capable people the UDC should allow for primary elections by members of all the contracting partners.

It is alleged that the UDC which has not enjoyed any smooth sailing since the incoming of BCP is sitting on a ticking time bomb before it splits. According to sources should the BCP president not have a constituency the party might reconsider its decision of joining the Umbrella when it meets at its conference in July this year. The friction between BCP and BMD is likely to affect the UDC performance at Ralekgetho bye-election tomorrow (Saturday) as some of the BMD members are not active in the campaign. Within BNF things are also not all well for Advocate Boko as his central committee is after his head. His relation with his committee is said to have hit its lowest ebb.  A secret position paper is being circulated among BNF members around the country. The intention of the paper is to restore the dignity of the BNF and take it back to the masses. BCP and BMD are expected to conduct their primary elections in May this year. 

BCP Information and Publicity Secretary Dithapelo Keorapetse told Botswana Guardian after the party’s Leadership Forum held in Palapye that it has been resolved that by end of May primaries should have been conducted.“It was agreed that by end of May all the 17 constituencies that we are managing for Umbrella for Democratic Change should have held primaries. The same would apply to the wards that we would be allocated as some have to be agreed at the UDC congress later in the year,” Keorapetse revealed.

BMD Spokesperson Rasina Rasina said they have already issued a writ for primary elections in all their 14 constituencies. And so yes, preparations for the BMD primaries are at an advanced stage, he explained. Rasina revealed that the Secretary General and the National Organising Secretary including the mobilisation team continue to traverse the country, particularly within the 14 constituencies training their members who will be facilitating and coordinating the primary elections. “I can assure you that we are more than ready for the primaries and we shall ensure that they go as smoothly as possible in our interest and in the interest of the UDC.  We shall have our primary elections on the 5th of May 2018 in all our 14 constituencies. 

 “The primaries shall be to identify and finalise as per internal democratic process both parliamentary candidates and council candidates in wards that we are incumbent on and wards that have been allocated to us by our partners within the UDC as per the principle of 60/40 on wards allocation per constituency,” he said.

 Rasina revealed that BMD have not received any communication nor had any interaction with any party within the UDC on possibilities or requests for trade-offs and or inside trading. “We are thus proceeding on the notion that no one has had any interest in such a dialogue with us. 

“We are also proceeding with full knowledge that we might also have wanted and or thought of negotiating some constituencies being assigned to some of our UDC partners but since we did not make such request, we have resolved to proceed with our 14 assigned constituencies.”

UDC Head of Communications Moeti Mohwasa acknowledged that the UDC leadership has not met to do the evaluations. He explained this is due to some commitments on the part of the leadership. Mohwasa stated that even though there are dissenting voices within the UDC about BMD, people and the media are blowing things out of proportion. 

He expressed confidence that everything would be sorted out and UDC will move forward and united. Regarding the BNF, Mohwasa indicated that they are meeting as the central committee this coming Sunday. He said at the meeting various issues including primary elections would be discussed including the setting of dates.

Executive Director of Somarelang Tikologo, Boniface Olubayo and Mmantlha Sankoloba, Chief Executive of Botswana Exporters and Manufacturers Association (BEMA), have slammed the ban on plastic carrier bags as “impulsive” and counterproductive. 

For Olubayo, the decision by Tshekedi Khama’s ministry is harsh, considering that it’s not based on any empirical evidence on the effects of plastics on the environment specifically in Botswana. 

“A research on the current actual negative impact of plastic carrier bags to the environment in Botswana needs to be undertaken and documented for reference purposes,” said Oluban, querying the “short notice” attending the ban on plastic shopping carrier bags.

Instead of banning plastic carrier bags, he says there is need for an “All Plastic Recycling Plant” to recycle plastic waste because there are other forms of plastic waste including used water bottles, soft drink bottles, broken plastic chairs/tables and polystyrene waste among others that are still environmental hazards ultimately. 

The recycling plant would create more employment and provide other products for use. “It is therefore our opinion that this ban be postponed to allow for wide consultations with all the stakeholders (including the general public) for a more agreeable and sustainable decision to be implemented,” said Olubayo.

Meanwhile, in 1997, Somarelang Tikologo organised a workshop on “Plastic Bags” that brought together government officials, NGOs, consumers, plastic manufactures and retailers. The convenor of the workshop was Mokgweetsi Masisi, then Patron of the environmental NGO, Somarelang Tikologo.  The final product of the workshop was the “plastic carrier bag policy” that was prepared by Somarelang Tikologo and presented to the relevant Ministry for detailed scrutiny and presentation to Parliament in 2007. 

The policy was to regulate the manufacturer distribution, use and disposal of carrier plastics through imposition of the plastic levy. The levy was meant to be collected by the government and support environmental conservation initiatives.

Currently there are more than 40 countries that have banned, partly banned or taxed single use plastic bags, including China, France, Rwanda, Kenya and Italy. 

As for BEMA’s Chief Executive, Sankoloba they feel althpugh they cannot at this stage reverse the ban, it could have at least been delayed reasonably to allow those directly affected to wrap up business, transform and or expand their export market base (South Africa remains the only export destination currently). 

The ban, she says, is detrimental to the manufacturing sector since hundreds of jobs are bound to be lost and more relocation of companies to other countries should be anticipated. “We have already lost one packaging companies to South Africa. In general, our manufacturing sector is extremely fragile, while the government relieves it of certain industries, such as the plastic manufacturing industry, there should be some “developmental mechanisms” to boost private sectors competitiveness for the export arena”, she said.

Sankoloba explained that the investment made abroad by Botswana in domestic enterprises and foreign investors in the manufacturing sector is highly compromised by this impulsive ban. “Now the question arises as to what sort of public apparatus is needed to enhance exports and mobilise private sector investment in Botswana? 

“When we as BEMA and other private sector representative bodies were  not consulted formally on this development,” said Sankoloba adding that the public sector is usually haste to impose bans and suspensions but the government hardly designs them in a way that it can meet the intended objective.

As the Public Procurement and Disposal Board (PPADB) tightens monitoring on contractors registering for government tenders –submission of false information and fabricated documents tops the list of defaulters.

Last year, three contractors were suspended, one delisted and one issued with a written warning, as PPADB tightened its supervision on defaulters.

Charles Keikotlhae, PPADB Public Relations and Education Manager told Botswana Guardian that most matters troubling PPADB relate to submission of false information and fabricated documents during contractor registration.

“The next most affected is the works projects sector,” said Keikotlhae adding that a suspended contractor, the affected directors and shareholders are debarred by the Board from registering a newly incorporated entity for the period of suspension.

However, Keikotlhae could not reveal revenue lost by government through defaulters on annual basis, saying such questions can be directed to procuring entities. “The suspended contractors are debarred from bidding on a new tender until the period of suspension has lapsed. 

“At the lapse of the period of suspension, the contractors are allowed to participate in public procurement and asset disposal,” Keikotlhae said. Still on defaulters, a delisted contractor is removed from the PPADB register.

In addition, one of the penalties that can be imposed is restitution, which will ensure the government is put back to the position it was in prior to the commission of the offence by contravening the code of conduct.

Through the PPADB Act, the Board has established the Suspension and Delisting Committee to undertake responsibilities of investigating matters of non-adherence to the Code of Conduct of Contractors and making appropriate recommendations to the Board.

“It is this committee together with the Board that ensures that action is taken against defaulting contractors,” said Keikotlhae. Penalties that can be imposed for contravening the Code of Conduct range from written warning while minimum period of suspension is 12 months and maximum is 36 months.

Highlighting recent suspensions Keikotlhae revealed that two contractors -Azraa & Asadullah Investment (Pty) Ltd and Discount Woodworks (Pty) Ltd, their directors and shareholders - are currently on suspension for a period of 30 months from 31st August 2017 to 30th March 2020.

3Pin Solutions also registered for supplies and services codes and its directors and shareholders have been suspended for 12 months from 7 December 2017 to 6 December 2018. 

Botswana’s economic diversification could be propelled if players in the tertiary institutions and other relevant agencies actively engage in research and innovation, a cabinet minister has disclosed.  

Speaking at the Human Resources Development Council (HRDC) annual career guidance and fair earlier in the week, tertiary education, research, science and technology minister, Dr Alfred Madigele pointed out that, ‘it is mainly through innovation and research that new areas of economic growth are identified, exposed and brought to the fore’. 

He commended HRDC, which is headed by Dr Raphael Dingalo, for having found it fit hold the fair under the theme ‘Career guidance: Gateway towards diversifying Botswana’s economy’.  According to Madigele, who before joining cabinet was a businessman in the medical field, innovation is by and large a product of research which leads to invention of new products that add value to the economy. 

“Innovation engenders prosperity, economic growth and new jobs, leading to the absorption of unemployed into the labour market thus making them productive and contributing towards the cycle of building and strengthening the economy,” noted the minister. 

He urged research institutions and the industry to work together in supporting and undertaking research and internship initiatives. “I would like to reiterate that industry linked research is one of the elements that contribute to the diversification of the economy by generating new ideas which are invented to create services and products,” he stressed.  Industry-based internships for undergraduates are important.  Once innovation and research are up-scaled, there will be more employment away from the mining sector, in a way diversifying the economy. Botswana is dependent on the volatile mining sector for growth.  The private sector is supposed to take lead while government provides a conducive environment for business. 

Launching the Botswana Innovation Hub (BIH) Innovation Fund towards the end of last year, Madigele said that ‘Government is spearheading the drive to use innovation as a trajectory for economic growth. To this end, the establishment of the fund would assist to close a gap in early stage financing for key projects of national importance’.

The Fund assists young innovators with up to P2 million on their innovative ideas which can be commercialised. Meanwhile, Dingalo told the opening ceremony of HRDC fair and career guidance that, as the coordinating agency of the National Human Resource Development Strategy (NHRDS) they are responsible for ensuring that in line with the strategy, Botswana develops relevant human resource base which enables the country to successfully transform into a knowledge based economy. 

BIH Chief Executive has in the past stated that interest in innovation was still low but expressed hope that the situation would improve. “The level of interest in innovation in Botswana is relatively low compared to countries like Kenya where we already see practical examples of individuals making a living out of innovation based entrepreneurship”. 

Over P3 billion worth of Zimbabwe’s monies externalised through illicit financial flows, have found their way into Botswana, Zimbabwe’s reserve bank records showed this week.

The report detailing these illicit flow transactions comes three months after Zimbabwe’s new President Emmerson Mnangagwa issued an ultimatum for companies and individuals to declare any externalised funds. 

Some of the individuals that externalised funds into bank accounts in Botswana include - Ryan Joseph a sum of US$331,700, Farid Shahadat - US$1,197,080 and Delny Ashley Davies made three transactions in different currencies ZAR500 000, €465 275.00 and US$ 5, 916,926.

Other individuals are Edward Nyevera linked to US$ 500,000 and Agrippa Bopela Masiyakurima US$40,000. On companies The Big Secrete externalised US$997,410 Jason Neville Leanders - US$977,000 Jinan Mining -US$332,980,000 and Rosevin Enterprises - US$230,000.

In total monies externalised into Botswana amounts to P3, 3 billion.

According to the report, the financial flows into Botswana are under: “Funds externalised to foreign banks in cash or under spurious transactions.” Botswana’s Financial Intelligence Agency (FIA) could not be drawn to say whether these transactions constituted money laundering and what sanctions would be taken against offenders if caught within its jurisdiction.

Produced from the Computerised Exchange Control Batch Application System (CEBAS) of the Zimbabwe Reserve Bank (RBZ), the report also shows that most Chinese mining companies externalised their monies to their native countries.

Apart from mining companies, trading companies supplying equipment, cotton and plastic merchandise are also named on the list. Other categories of the alleged illicit financial flows listed in the 44-page document also indicate funds externalised through payment of goods not received in Zimbabwe and funds externalised through non-repatriation of export proceeds.

Other countries that have been destinations for externalised money from Zimbabwe are France, USA, UK, South Africa, Mauritius, Ghana, Denmark, Mozambique, Pakistan, Switzerland, Portugal and Uganda. Following the release of the report President Mnangagwa is yet to announce actions to be taken against the perpetrators of the externalised money.

Authorities in Harare could pull instruments from the regional body SADC to support their bid to recover the lost money. However, the SADC Finance and Investment Protocol currently contain more annexes dealing with money laundering than illicit financial flows.

In this three-part series, Lapologang Caesar Lekoa* explains the pillars that inform Botswana’s foreign policy posture and how these have withstood the test of time

Botswana’s 50 year independence anniversary (September 2016), offered an opportunity to reflect on the country’s achievements using multilateral diplomacy or multilateralism as a foreign policy tool, and the future relevance of that particular approach in promoting the country’s national interest abroad.
 
Evans and Newnham (1998) describe multilateralism as “a system of coordinating relations between two or more states in accordance with certain principles of conduct....to realise objectives in a particular issue area”. Simply put, multilateralism refers to the voluntary involvement of more than two countries in addressing common challenges for mutual interest based on agreed rules, usually under a specific institutional/organisational arrangement.

To place our assessment of the tool in the proper context, we should ask three questions. First, what did Botswana want from the international system (that is, the country’s foreign policy goals), second, what was the context (both domestic and external), under which Botswana pursued these goals.

Finally, how did Botswana’s foreign policy makers perceive and interpret the international environment around them based on their philosophical/conceptual worldview at the time (that is, did they see only threats around them, a rosy world “out there”, or indeed a mixture of the two?).

The type of conceptual “lenses” that foreign policy makers wear (and consequently what they see), is critical because it determines the type of foreign policy choices they make.

First, what Botswana wanted in the international system was based on what the policy makers saw as key national interests, namely, national security (protection of territorial integrity and national sovereignty) and economic development. These key imperatives were pursued in the context of equally important national values of democracy, national unity and self-reliance, as well as internationally accepted principles of peaceful co-existence, peaceful resolution of conflicts and non-interference in the internal affairs of states.

The chief focus of foreign policy was therefore the concrete goals of physical and economic security, as well as non-quantifiable attributes, in the form of national values which defined the country in the eyes of the world. These were practical goals, limited to the primary needs of the country at the time, but still relevant for any assessment of the country’s performance in the foreign policy space today. Second, the country operated in a domestic and external environment that tempered her foreign policy ambitions with reality, arising mainly from geography and resource limitations. As the author Kaplan (2012) says “A state’s position on the map is the first thing that defines it, more than its governing philosophies even”.

While Kaplan recognises the constraints of geography, he acknowledges that human agency can substantially influence the course of human events. Still, Botswana could not escape her sobering internal circumstances, then and today, for example, a small population, limited economic resources and opportunities, limited human resource capacity, and unfavourable climatic conditions.

These limitations dictated, inter alia, that Botswana’s foreign policy attaches great importance to regional and international cooperation. The external environment was as inhibitive as it was threatening: a hegemonic apartheid state and hostile minority regimes as neighbours, a landlocked geographical position, import dependency and other vulnerabilities.

These factors may not have totally derailed Botswana’s foreign policy train, but they surely tempered with some of her cargo. For example, the country maintained technical level contacts with racist South Africa through SACU (Southern African Customs Union), but had no formal diplomatic relations with the apartheid regime.

Botswana’s foreign policy achievements should thus be assessed in the context of this unconducive domestic and external environment, elements of which still encumber Botswana’s foreign policy choices today.

Third, foreign policy makers can perceive the outside world in many ways, for example, as realists who generally believe that states will always use their economic power and political influence to pursue narrow national interest at the expense of others, or liberals who contend that shared common objectives can moderate states’ parochialism in favour of the larger collective good.

Many other shades of philosophical belief exist in between. In my humble view, Botswana’s foreign policy practitioners wore and indeed still wear today these and other conceptual lenses simultaneously, and saw the world as it really was, not as a static, predictable monolith, but an ever changing phenomenon, requiring that you adapt your tactics, within the parameters of your core principles, to situations as they arise, to protect national interest. This made the policy makers pragmatists.

As realists, they knew that national power (economic/military etc) was critical to guarantee physical and economic security, but as liberals they knew that additional leverage from regional and international mechanisms such as Southern African Development Community (SADC), African Union (AU) and the United Nations (UN), was essential to succeed. As liberals they believed, in principle, in the moderating influence of international institutions over rogue states’ behaviour, but as realists they knew that it was unrealistic to expect the UN or the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) to protect their country from neighbouring rogue states on a daily basis, and that a pragmatic foreign policy to help safeguard national security was needed. We therefore see a general trajectory in the period under review where practical considerations often trumped political orthodoxy in foreign policy making and execution.

As a small country, Botswana placed a high premium on multilateralism to protect and promote her national interest in the international system. For small countries, multilateralism comes naturally as an effective tool for survival in international politics. This is so because small nations, acting individually or unilaterally, do not possess adequate material resources and power to influence international relations in their favour. Their international leverage derives largely from solidarity  acting together.

In this three-part series, Lapologang Caesar Lekoa* explains the pillars that inform Botswana’s foreign policy posture and how these have withstood the test of time.

 Botswana conducts multilateral diplomacy in the context of international organisations like the UN, AU, the Commonwealth as well as regional mechanisms such as SADC (which  Botswana played a critical role in establishing), to promote national interest abroad.

The UN, the largest of these, confers universal legitimacy across the widest possible spectrum of collective human undertakings. Following the perennial instability and bloodshed visited on central Europe by their ancient era leaders “in pursuit of a mixture of  personal, dynastic, imperial, and religious ambitions” (Kissinger, 2014), the Westphalian system (1648) created the nation state as the new source of sovereignty and legitimacy.

The new state system paved the way for liberal institutionalism (cooperation through international institutions using multilateral diplomacy as a modus operandi) as one of the global governance mechanisms of the liberal international order, aimed at enhancing dialogue, cooperation and peace among states.

This multilateral approach is anchored by rule-based international institutions tied together by shared interests of states (Ikenberry, 2011). Multilateralism or liberal institutionalism however has its critics, who strongly maintain that international politics is still primarily driven by individual states’ interests, and disproportionately influenced by the interests of more powerful nations, in these international institutions.

This critique notwithstanding, the opposite institutionalised international cooperation viewpoint, according to Keohane and Nye (1977), firmly holds that states, while primarily motivated by national interest, are also capable of pursuing common interest, where they see mutual benefit.

Pursuit of common endeavours (common security, economic integration e t c), has become even more imperative as a result of increased economic interdependence and globalisation generally. Multilateralism allows in principle, every nation, irrespective of size or resources, the legitimate right to be heard, and an expectation to have its plight addressed, if not resolved.

Having emerged as the antithesis of unilateralism, multilateralism has come to complement bilateralism and regionalism, which remain important channels for advancing interstate interests. For example, if a country did not find redress in bilateral or regional problem solving mechanisms, it could always approach the UN - the embodiment of multilateralism and universal dispenser of international legitimacy - for resolution.

Botswana has had recourse to the UN and other multilateral bodies—not as a substitute for bilateral or regional approaches, which she continues to maintain with her allies, but as the most appropriate tool for a specific purpose under given circumstances - to advance her foreign policy goals.

To make our assessment more comprehensive, we look at achievements in terms of Botswana’s benefits from, and contributions to, the international community, through multilateral diplomacy.I also wish to venture that achievements not be countenanced only in material terms. Indeed many would argue that Botswana’s greatest contribution to international relations, in the last 50 years, was in being a good example on issues of morality and governance, than in quantifiable ways.

Botswana embraced multilateral diplomacy due partly to her belief in a collective approach to international relations, and partly as an international strategy for national development.

The first President Sir Seretse Khama, speaking about the UN, said in September 1969: “The UN offers many advantages to a state like ours. The UN enables us to keep in touch with international opinion and to put our views before the world.... Together with its specialised agencies, it is also a major source of development Botswana’s foreign policy is predicated on multilateralism finance and technical assistance from which Botswana benefits greatly”.

In this, and other policy literature, Botswana’s enduring logic and vision for multilateralism had been firmly laid down. Multilateralism has afforded Botswana a broad array of opportunities political, economic and security on the international stage. First, the concept of peaceful resolution of conflicts in Botswana predates the country’s independence (ntwa kgolo ke ya molomo or we jaw-jaw not war-war). The espousal of this national precept and worldview by established multilateral bodies or international diplomacy, has served as both an inspiration for, and validation of, Botswana’s foreign policy on a major fundamental international principle. Second, Botswana’s resolute political stance on decolonisation and apartheid, earned her international respect on the world stage, including at the UN, OAU, NAM and the Commonwealth.

This stance however also made the country a target for various forms of retribution by the neighbouring minority regimes, including threats to her national sovereignty. But the endorsement and support of Botswana’s political position by these established international bodies, served as a moral deterrence against threats to her sovereignty, as well as a source of international legitimacy for - and moral vindication of - her political values, beliefs and indeed actions in support of human freedom beyond her borders.

Third, international institutions extended to the then poor nation much-needed resources to alleviate various economic challenges associated with her support for decolonisation and democratisation in southern Africa, such as the sustenance and protection of refugees in the country.

Sir Seretse said in 1969, “The financial burden of doing so (maintaining refugees) would have been heavy were it not for the generous assistance we have received from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees”. Fourth, the country benefitted from vital development assistance from the UN system and many other international and regional entities. In those early years, Botswana relied heavily on external financial support just to balance her national budget.

Presenting the first National Development Plan (1968-73), Dr Q K J Masire (as Vice President and Minister of Development Planning), said, “Almost all the expenditure proposed in this Plan is dependent on finance being raised from friendly Governments and agencies abroad....Unless we are successful in securing the assistance required, there is a real danger that Botswana will continue to remain a burden on international charity and without the benefits of real independence which derives from self-sufficiency”.

* Lapologang C. Lekoa is a career diplomat and former permanent secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Relations and currently Botswana’s Ambassador to Australia. He writes in his persona capacity.
BGOPINION

The ascendency of Mokgweetsi Masisi to the highest office of President of the republic has triggered an old argument on whether it is constitutional for a vice president to automatically take office and enjoy sweeping powers, or if he needs to first be elected by parliament.

The same argument was raised by political commentators in 2008 and Advocate Sidney Pilane, then special advisor to former President Festus Mogae successfully tackled the issue.

But since Masisi’s inauguration social media has been active with different interpretations offered by many lawyers including initiator of the discussion Tshiamo Rantao as well as Kgosi Ngakaagae and Jao Salbany.

 But the Attorney General Araham Keetshabe has remained unshaken stating that the constitution is clear. He is supported by some attorneys who specialise in negotiating and drafting. 

But to remove the ambiguity, some say Section 35 subsection 3 and 4 could be amended just to clear and not leave it to speculation. 

But Rantao says the matter raises other constitutional issues such as “vacancy in office of President” as provided for in section 35 of the Constitution. “This issue was once in the public domain about 10 years ago, but there was no resolution since it was never taken to court for a determination,” he said. 

After much soul searching and prompted by a passion for “rule of law,” Rantao now offers his considered viewpoint.

Hope on Masisi

“I think that Masisi has given many Batswana renewed hope in our nation. I certainly have renewed hope that he shall govern this country in a better way than his predecessor. If my interpretation of section 35 be correct, I have no doubt that he would still win a National Assembly election held under section 35(4) of the Constitution”.

However, this does not make the holding of such an election an academic exercise. It cannot be merely academic to comply with the Constitution of the land. “Failure to comply could result in his assumption of office being declared unconstitutional and set aside by our courts,” he warns.

Section 35 of the Constitution contains 7 subsections. None of these subsections can be construed in isolation, says Rantao. As a rule, all the provisions in the constitutions should be construed together, not in isolation. Section 35(1) of the Constitution was introduced by way of a 1997 amendment. It reads: “Whenever the President dies resigns or ceases to hold office, the Vice-President shall assume office as President with effect from the date of the death, resignation or ceasing to be President.” This provision is clear and unambiguous, says Rantao, adding, “we all know what it means that the Vice President takes over, as President Masisi did on 1 April 2018 because President Khama ceased to hold office on 31 March 2018”.

The question

The million dollar question is, is this assumption of office temporary or not? Rantao is convinced it is temporary. He cites Section 35(2) of the Constitution, which provides that if the office of President “becomes vacant in circumstances in which there is no Vice-President or is vacant whilst the Vice-President is absent from Botswana or is, by reason of physical or mental infirmity unable to perform the functions of his or her office” the functions of the office of President shall be temporarily performed by such Minister as Cabinet shall appoint “until such time as a new President assumes office in accordance with (section 35) or section 32 of the Constitution”. 

Rantao says quite clearly, this subsection is not of moment because when Khama ceased to hold office, “we had a Vice-President who assumed